James William Craig – A Veteran Cape Fear River Pilot

[Editor’s Note (1997): The following article was published in the ‘Wilmington Star’ on May 14, 1911, and comes to us from the collection of William Reaves.]

James SpruntNHC Public Library

James Sprunt
NHC Public Library

[Editor’s Note (2015) – The author of this piece was James Sprunt. This article was later published (1916) in his book, Chronicles of the Cape Fear River, 1660-1916.

“Our ship’s company numbered forty-eight men, and now, after a lapse of forty-seven years, we two, James Sprunt, purser, and J. W. Craig, pilot, are the only survivors of them all.”]

His name is the Reverend James William Craig, Methodist Preacher, but I like to think of him as Jim Billy, the Cape Fear pilot of war times, on the bridge of the swift Confederate blockade runner Lynx, commanded by the intrepid Captain Reed. . . . My shipmate, Jim Billy, is growing old, and so am I.

Some days ago I drew out of Jim Billy the following narrative, which I have set down as nearly as may be in his own words, and I trust it may serve to interest and instruct some of the readers of the Star, who do not often hear a true sailor’s yarn:

I was born in May 1840, and piloted my first vessel into the Cape Fear River when I was seventeen years of age. At that time Mr. P.W. Fanning, of Wilmington, was chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Navigation and Pilotage, and the present custom of issuing branches or licenses was not in vogue. I acted under the protection of my father, who was a branch pilot; in other words he was permitted to carry in vessels of any depth suitable for the water then available. I was an apprentice with him.

When the war broke out I was twenty-one years of age, and in view of certain circumstances favorable to my reputation, I was given by the Board of Commissioners of Navigation and Pilotage a license for twelve feet, the laws having been changed a year or two before the war in respect to the method of issuing licenses.

My father, James N. Craig, lived a short distance from Fort Fisher on the river side at a place called Craig’s Landing, and his house and landing were both used later by the commander of Fort Fisher, Col. William Lamb, who was so intimately engaged with my father that he gave him general charge of the duty of setting lights for the benefit of blockade runners, under certain restrictions which had been provided.

I was therefore engaged for nearly two years after the outbreak of the war in assisting my father, and became more familiar with the channel and the approaches of the channel than many other pilots who had not the opportunity of sounding, as we had frequently, under government instructions.

The first proposal made to me to take a ship through the blockade was by Captain E.C. Reed, commander of the celebrated cruiser Sumter. This vessel had been dismantled of her guns on account of her slow speed and general unfitness for a cruiser, after her destruction of many vessels of the enemy, and she was sent into Wilmington with a cargo of war stores, conspicuous among which were two enormous Blakely guns, which were subsequently used in the defense of Charleston.

Blockading fleet of Wilmington, North Carolina - New Inlet. -- December 3, 1864, Harper's Weekly

Blockading fleet of Wilmington, North Carolina – New Inlet. — December 3, 1864, Harper’s Weekly

After the discharge of the cargo at Wilmington the Sumter was loaded with cotton, and Captain Reed brought her down to Old Brunswick landing and anchored, before he made arrangements for the engagement of a pilot to take him out. In coming into the Cape Fear, Captain Reed had, through a successful ruse, passed through the blockading fleet by hoisting the US. ensign and pretending to be one of the fleet. The blockaders did not discover his true character until he was under the guns of Fort Fisher, and consequently they were very eager to capture him on his voyage outward.

At that time of the tide it was impossible to take over the Rip Shoal or across either of the bars a ship drawing more than eleven feet. The Sumter drew eleven feet of water and grounded repeatedly in attempting to go out. Captain Reed offered me $1,000.00 in gold if I would take the ship out successfully and reach Bermuda, where he would discharge me and proceed to England with his cargo.

I made several ineffectual attempts to get the Sumter outside, but owing to the lack of water and the vigilance of the blockading fleet, we were baffled repeatedly. At last I took her out successfully over the New Inlet bar, the fleet in the meantime having concentrated at the western bar, expecting to capture her there, and Captain Reed subsequently told me that he proceeded to Bermuda and to England without sighting a single hostile vessel during the whole voyage.

A short time after that I piloted the steamship Orion in over New Inlet successfully, that vessel having arrived off the bar without a pilot, and very luckily for the ship as well as for me, hailed me while I was setting some lights for another vessel, the Cornubia, ready to go out in charge of pilot C. C. Morse.

Some months afterwards a very fine blockade runner called the Don, under command of Captain Roberts, (whose real name was Hobart, a son of the Earl of Buckinghamshire, a Post Captain in the British Navy and who had obtained leave of absence in order to try his skill at blockade running), was brought successfully to Wilmington by pilot St. George, who was there taken sick and I was requested to assume his place.

On my return to Wilmington in the Don, I relinquished this vessel to her former pilot, St. George, and made a contract with the agent in Wilmington, of a firm which owned a number of blockade runners – a notable one being the Hansa – to pilot any vessels which he might designate and be subject to his orders at any moment, the term of engagement being three months.

Immediately afterwards, I was ordered to proceed to Nassau in the blockade runner Fanny (formerly the Orion), and report to Captain Watters, of the blockade runner Annie, for duty on that ship.

Blockade Runner

Blockade Runner

I remember that we left in the Fanny on Saturday night and arrived in Nassau before daylight on Tuesday morning, where I found the Annie loaded and ready for sea and waiting for me. We accordingly left about 4 o’clock that afternoon and arrived without incident inside the Cape Fear bar on the Friday night following.

I made a second voyage through the blockade in the Annie, passing within a cable length of two of the Federal fleet, who failed to observe us. We again loaded the Annie in Nassau and cleared for Wilmington, but fell in with a hurricane shortly afterwards and were obliged to heave to for about forty hours, during which we lost our reckoning, and failing to get observations for three days, waited until the gale subsided and then anchored the ship in smooth water, by a kedge, until the captain succeeded in getting an observation of the North Star, by which he worked out his position, we then shaped our course straight for the blockade fleet off Fort Fisher.

At that time, and subsequently, it was the custom for the Flag Ship of the blockading squadron to carry a large light, and, this being the only one visible, served the purpose of guiding the blockade runners until they could get the bearings of the Mound Light. .. .

My term of three months service having expired, I was proceeding in my skiff from Craig’s Landing to Wilmington when I was overtaken by a very swift blockade runner, with two rakish funnels, a perfect model of its kind, called the Lynx, and, having been given a tow line, climbed aboard and found, to my great surprise and delight, that the ship was commanded by my old friend Captain Reed, who immediately requested that I would arrange to go with him, as his engagement of a pilot was only for the voyage inward.

To this I consented, on condition that Gen. Whiting would approve of it, and I received a few days afterwards a telegram to go on board the Lynx at Fort Fisher. I was in a hurricane on this ship, in which she fared badly, her paddle boxes, sponsons and bridge deck having been partly washed away, but we at last limped into Bermuda, and, after repairing damages, proceeded again to Wilmington.

The longest chase of which I was a witness during the war, occurred while I was on the Lynx, which was chased by that very fast cruiser Fort Jackson for fifteen hours. The Fort Jackson’s log and official report subsequently showed that she was making sixteen knots an hour, which at that time was considered phenomenal speed, (the average blockade runner seldom exceeding fourteen knots an hour), and on this occasion I remember that the safety valves of the Lynx were weighted down by the iron tops of the coal bunkers, which of course imperiled the life of everyone on board, but increased the speed of the Lynx to more than sixteen knots an hour and enabled her ultimately to escape.

After making two round passages in the Lynx and running the blockade four times in this vessel, several times under fire, I joined at Wilmington the Confederate steamer Lilian, under the following peculiar circumstances. Quite a number of the Wilmington pilots had been captured by the enemy, and the force available for ships waiting in Bermuda and Nassau, belonging to the Confederate Government, was greatly reduced in consequence thereof.

The regular pilot of the Lilian was Thomas Grissom, and I was one of four extra pilots, (the three others being Joseph Thompson, James Bell and Charles Craig), who were ordered by Gen. Whiting to proceed to Bermuda and take charge of certain ships to be designated by Major Norman S. Walker, the Confederate agent at that port.

Trouble began before we got outside. An armed barge from the fleet had come close inside the Western Bar and lay in our track in the channel, and, immediately upon our approach, sent up a rocket and fired a gun, which was instantly answered by the whole fleet outside and I remember that we crossed the bar in a bright flash of Drummond lights and rockets which made the night as bright as day.

Every one of the blockaders was firing at or over us as we headed out to sea and when next morning dawned which was Sunday, we had just succeeded in dropping the last of the cruisers which had chased us all night. We were congratulating ourselves after breakfast that morning that we would have a clear sea towards Bermuda and by the way the sea was as smooth as glass, when the lookout in the crow’s nest reported a vessel of war ahead, shortly afterwards another on the starboard bow, and a little later a third one on our port bow, and in a few  minutes a fourth one on our beam.

We had unfortunately run into the second line of blockaders, called the Gulf Squadron, and it was not more than two hours before they were all in range and pelting us with bomb shells. The chase lasted until half past one in the afternoon when a shell from the cruiser on our starboard beam, called the Gettysburg and which was formerly the blockade runner Margaret and Jessie, struck us below the water line, making a large hole through which the water rushed like a mill stream.

All our efforts to stop the leak with blankets were unavailing. We had previously thrown over our deck load of cotton, but it was impossible to reach the hole from the inside, as the hold was jam of cotton, and in a short time the vessel began to steer badly and gradually sank almost to the level of the deck.

Finding further efforts to escape utterly fruitless, our Captain stopped the ship and surrendered to the boats which immediately surrounded us. I remember that when the ship was hove to and the Federal officers came on board, our sullen and dejected commander was standing on the starboard paddle box, with his arms folded and his back turned to the approaching Federals, when one of them, with a drawn sword, approached and asked if he was in command of the ship.

Captain Martin responded with an oath: ‘I was commander, but I suppose you are captain now.’  Although every effort had been made to escape, those of us who knew Captain Maffitt, the former commander of the Lilian, regretted very much his absence on this occasion, as he would most likely have been more fortunate in getting away.

Knowing how eager the Federals were to identify the pilot of the ship, they being in blissful ignorance that there were no fewer than five Wilmington pilots on board, we all agreed to personate firemen or members of the crew, and succeeded in passing ourselves as such. Subsequently all of us escaped except the ship’s pilot, who was detained at Point Lookout until the end of the war.

Our ship’s company numbered forty-eight men, and now, after a lapse of forty-seven years [1911], we two, James Sprunt, purser, and J. W. Craig, pilot, are the only survivors of them all.

After our escape from prison, we made our way to Halifax, Nova Scotia, through the medium of some gold coins, which I fortunately kept next to my body in a waist band and which paid the passage of four of my companions, including Mr. Sprunt. I pointed the steamer Bat at Halifax, and proceeded as pilot of her to Wilmington.

When off the bar, and in the midst of the blockading fleet, which was firing heavily upon us, my captain lost his nerve, and notwithstanding my expostulations, persisted in stopping the Bat.

The cause of the captain’s excitement was due to this remarkable incident: one of our sailors was a survivor of the desperate battle between the Alabama and the Kearsarge off Cherbourg [France] some months before, he having served on the Alabama, but, instead of proving to be, as might have been expected, a very brave man under the fire of the blockading fleet, he became terrified and hid himself far forward under the turtle-back in the eyes of our ship as he could squeeze himself.

During the firing of the fleet a shot struck the exact spot where this poor fellow was hiding and cut off his leg, causing him to utter such shrieks as to demoralize our captain, who ignobly stopped and anchored his ship in the midst of the enemy, when he might just as well have gone on, with less risk of destruction. The ship that boarded us that night was the US. steamer Montgomery.

For the second time I was made a prisoner of war, under the following circumstances, which I have never mentioned but once.

Before I became engaged in the blockade running service, I was acting as mate on the Confederate steamer Flora McDonald, a transport on the Cape Fear river, and when the Confederate privateer Retribution sent a prize schooner into Wilmington which she had captured at sea, in charge of one of the Retribution‘s officers named Jordan, who had shipped with Captain Joseph Price in Wilmington, I assisted in towing that vessel from the bar to Wilmington. . . .

When I was captured by the Montgomery, I was taken to the Portsmouth navy yard, when we were boarded by a Federal officer in a Captain’s uniform, who proved to be none other than my quondam Confederate Jordan, who had gone over to the enemy, and who immediately recognized me and informed against me.

I was then put in irons and sent on board the US. man-of-war Sabine, where I was most kindly treated by its commander, Captain Loring, and while a prisoner on his ship I was repeatedly approached by the Federal officers, who offered to pay me any sum I would name if I would join their fleet Fort Fisher and take part as a pilot in their attack against my home. I told them that the United States Government did not have enough money to induce me to accept such a proposition, and I accordingly remained a prisoner at Point Lookout until after the war was over.

I may add that while I was a prisoner on the Sabine, two of the Cape Fear pilots, C. C. Morse and John Savage, were brought on board as prisoners, under suspicion of being pilots, and, although they were intimate friends of mine, I took particular pains to treat them as total strangers and paid no attention to them, lest it might get them into further trouble.

They were much relieved when they discovered my purpose. Savage was subsequently released, but Morse, having been identified later by some other means, was made a prisoner with me until the end of the war. The monotony of prison life so few incidents worth mentioning that this experience is hardly worth recalling, and yet, I remember some diversions, which gave us much merriment at the time.

While our friends of the Lilian were confined for several weeks in a casemate of Fort Macon, that garrison consisted of what the Yankees called the First Regiment of North Carolina Volunteers. . . . Every day an officer and guard took us outside our gloomy casemate and permitted us to stretch our legs along the beach, while we gazed with longing eyes across the intervening sound to Dixie’s Land. The marsh grass was of sand fiddlers, which scuttled away at our approach.

I pretended to be surprised and asked the guard what these things were, as they called lobsters in my country if they were larger. The old renegade looked at me with a most contemptuous expression, and replied: ‘You know what they are; you’ve got millions of them at Smithville, whar you come from.’

Another daily experience was the persistent, though unsuccessful, effort of the officer of the day to tease out of our young purser, James Sprunt, whom he thought an easy mark on account of his youth (17 years), a betrayal of our pilot, little dreaming that we were five Wilmington pilots.

A warm attachment began in that prison life, between Mr. Sprunt and myself, which has been true and steadfast through all these intervening years. We little thought then that our lives would be so long united in the bonds of Christian fellowship and commercial enterprise.

During my subsequent confinement on the Sabine as a prisoner of war, a large number of blockade runners who had been captured at sea were brought to that school ship for confinement, and Captain Loring tried in every way to surprise those suspected of being pilots into an admission of the fact.

One fine day, while the prisoners were lying on the deck, Captain Loring, looking like an old seadog, and hearty, paced up and down among them, and suddenly, turning on his heel, he called out: ‘All the North Carolinians stand up ..’ [torn page] eyes over a number [torn page] themselves, but not a man stirred, and old Loring, who was really a good fellow and kind to us, went on his way.

And I hope it may not be amiss in the conclusion of these reminiscences to allude to the fact that, although I have been all these years engaged as a Cape Fear pilot, in the duties of my vocation, it has pleased God to call me also to the higher duty of preaching His Gospel, as a Methodist Minister, and to make me the humble instrument, in His Hands of guiding some of my fellow men to their eternal rest, as I have guided the ships to the haven. .

.. . [The End].


[Text was originally published in the February 1997 – FPHPS Newsletter (pdf)]

James William “Jim Billy” Craig – NCSU

Chronicles of the Cape Fear River, 1660-1916
‘James William Craig – A Veteran Pilot’  – By James Sprunt

A Colonial Apparition, A Story of the Cape Fear – by James Sprunt
Published by the ‘Wilmington and Southport Steamboat Line’


Built in Wilmington – The Confederate Ironclads Raleigh and North Carolina

[Text originally published in the June, 1996 – FPHPS Newsletter, Sandy Jackson, editor]

During the Civil War the Confederates built two ironclad steamers at Wilmington — the CSS North Carolina and the CSS Raleigh.

Benjamin Beery and Brothers built the North Carolina at their “Confederate Navy Yard,” or the “Navy Yard” on Eagles Island, across from Wilmington, while J. L. Cassidey and Sons built the Raleigh, at their shipyard at the foot of Church Street in Wilmington.

CSS North Carolina

CSS North Carolina

The Richmond-class ironclad North Carolina, begun in July 1862, remained nameless until October of that year, when S.R. Mallory, secretary of the Confederate States Navy, instructed that the ship be named the North Carolina.

Built for the Confederate government in accordance with the specifications issued by chief naval constructor John L. Porter, the North Carolina was the largest ship built by the Beery brothers. It measured 150 feet in length, 32 feet in beam, had a depth of 14 feet, and only 800 tons burden.

Nearly all of the wood used in the construction of the ship was fresh cut or “green.” The hull was partially constructed of pine, and the upper works of heavy oak. It was stated that the ironclad steamer had a draft of 13 feet – too deep for crossing the bar and was primarily intended for river defense.

The North Carolina was expected to be completed by October or November 1862, but strikes, shortages, and a yellow-fever epidemic postponed the launching of the vessel for several months.

The guns, railroad iron plating, and engines for both ironclads under construction had to be produced at the Confederacy’s only iron rolling mill, the Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond, VA.

Instead of waiting for the engine to be built for the North Carolina, Captain Beery was able to locate an engine from another vessel that could be installed in the ironclad. At the beginning of the war Wilmington seized the tug Uncle Ben and removed the engine. Although the engine from the tug proved inadequate for the larger ironclad, it was better than having to wait for the Tredegar Iron Works to build one.

CSS North Carolina -  paper model

CSS North Carolina – paper model

Nearly complete by the spring of 1863, the North Carolina still lacked guns and what would prove a costly omission – lower-hull copper sheathing. There was very little copper to be found in the whole Confederacy in 1863, and the sheathing had to be omitted from the final plans. The specific armament of the North Carolina has never been determined.

Most Richmond-class ironclads were designed to carry two 7-inch and two 6.4-inch Brooke rifles. Both the bow and stem guns were on pivots, able to turn to either broadside to fire. The other two guns were placed at midships on either side of the vessel. That arrangement gave the Richmond class a three-gun broadside potential. Although the Wilmington ironclads were meant to carry, four guns, they may have carried only three, primarily to conserve weight.

Before the ironclad was finished, the navy loaned to General Whiting at Fort Fisher two Brooke 6.4-inch rifles. When the North Carolina was ready to be launched, General Whiting returned the guns. The third gun was probably a 7-inch Brooke rifle.

The Confederate Navy placed the ironclad steamer North Carolina in commission during the later part of the year with Capt. William T. Muse in command of a complement of 150 men. Unable to cross the bar for ocean duty and subject to breakdowns of its old engine, the North Carolina was involved in little action.

It was moored at Smithville [Southport] as a guard ship for the lower entrance to the Cape Fear River. The ironclad spent most of its entire career at Smithville, where it was subject to progressive deterioration below the waterline from teredo worms because of its lack of sheathing.

Lieutenant William B. Cushing of the US. Navy stated in June 1864 that the ironclad “is but little relied upon, and would not stand long against a monitor.” In April Capt. William Maury temporarily replaced Capt. William Muse, who had been overcome by typhoid fever.

When Captain Maury was then stricken with “acute Rheumatism,” Capt. John Pembroke Jones became the final commander of the North Carolina. Jones spent the majority of his time overseeing the “fitting out of a blockade runner” in Wilmington, and the ironclad North Carolina quickly deteriorated during the absence of its captain.

Finally, in September a 1864, the North Carolina sprang a leak while anchored in the river.

Reportedly the Confederates abandoned the ironclad next to Battery Island. In a letter to his sister, Assistant Third Engineer Charles Peek stationed at Smithville wrote: “The old North Carolina is no more. She [is] full of water before I left. The men are now employed taking the iron from her.”

A year after the sinking of the ironclad, Stephen Bartlett, a US. surgeon stationed aboard a ship at Southport, wrote home to his brother about visiting the partially submerged wreck: “Tell Walter I fish from the Rebel iron clad N Carolina which is sunk near us but most of the decks are out of water”.

In the spring of 1868 the Navy Department contracted for the removal of the remaining iron plating from the North Carolina; In late June “some fifty tons of iron, stripped from the ram North Carolina,” was sold at public auction for 2 1/8 cents per pound. Three years later the wooden remains of the old ram North Carolina were intentionally burnt to the water’s edge.

During late 1863, the Confederates laid down the second ironclad, the steam-powered ram Raleigh at the wharf near the foot of Church Street in Wilmington at the J.L. Cassidey & Sons Shipyard.

Ironclad CSS Raleigh - Courtesy of Cape Fear Historical Institute

Ironclad CSS Raleigh – Courtesy of Cape Fear Historical Institute

That Richmond-class ironclad, built to John L. Porter’s plans, was similar to those of the CSS North Carolina, and 150 feet in length stempost to sternpost and 172 feet overall, with a 32-foot beam and a draft of 12 feet.

Two thicknesses of iron plating, or casemate, covered a heavily constructed wooden hull, and formed a ram at the how. The Confederate Navy commissioned the ironclad Raleigh on April 3, 1864, under Lt. John Wilkinson, and shortly thereafter placed it under the command of Lt. J. Pembroke Jones.

The vessel’s compliment numbered 188, and her armament consisted of four 6-inch rifled cannons. The engine for the ironclad may have been removed from the wreck of the blockade-runner Modern Greece, while another source claims the engine was new from Richmond.

On the evening of May 6, 1864, the ironclad left Wilmington and steamed toward the bar at New Inlet accompanied by the wooden steamers CSS Yadkin and CSS Equator, to engage six vessels of the Union blockading fleet.

With the smaller steamers under the protection of the guns of Fort Fisher, the Raleigh was successful in briefly breaking the blockade that evening, allowing a blockade-runner to escape.

Fighting resumed the following morning and by 7:00 AM. the Confederates broke the action.

While attempting to cross back over the bar at the inlet, the Raleigh grounded, “breaking her back” on what was known as New Inlet rip, a narrow and shifting sand strip.

Charles Peek, when assigned to the other ironclad, the North Carolina, then stationed at Smithville, commented in a letter to his sister that “the weight of the iron upon her shield just crushed her decks in.”

By the following morning the water had reached the Raleigh’s gun decks. The severely damaged vessel was salvaged of her guns and abandoned.

The wreck of the Raleigh posed a navigation hazard for several years. In June 1864 James Randall, a young clerk in Wilmington, wrote to his friend Kate returning from a river trip to Smithville. In his letter he noted his sighting of the remains of the ironclad Raleigh “just a few yards from the channel.”

Randall described the condition of the wreck and salvage work in progress: “She was very much sunken at the stern, lifting her bow considerably. Her sides had been stripped of their armor, the smokestack prostrate, and altogether she had the appearance of a monstrous turtle stranded and forlorn. As we passed, the divers were engaged in removing her boilers and machinery”.

Contemporary accounts reported that the “guns, equipment, iron, etc.,” were “being saved.” The salvors, unable to refloat the ironclad, removed the two boilers and destroyed the vessel. The navy sent the boilers to Columbus, Georgia to be used in the steamer Chattahoochee.

In July Capt. William Cushing reported, visiting the site of the wrecked Raleigh, that nothing of the vessel remained above water.

Beery Shipyard 2008 - just North of Memorial Bridge

Beery Shipyard 2008 – just North of Memorial Bridge

The wreck was indicated on navigation charts of New Inlet for many years. In April 1868, the schooner L. Waring, laden with 3,000 bushels of corn, ran upon the sunken ironclad while passing through New Inlet. The ship’s crew made efforts the following day to lighten the schooner and save her from sinking. By late May 1868 the schooner had been raised and repaired at the Cassidey Brothers shipyard .

The Raleigh was partially salvaged again in 1881. A Wilmington newspaper provided the following account of that operation: “Mr. Horton, was cruising in that neighborhood [the rip off New Inlet] a day or two since, when they came across some obstacle on the bottom, whereupon Capt. Loring, an experienced submarine diver, donned his suit and went down, placing two kegs of gun powder in the midst of the obstruction and setting it off.

The result enabled him to ascertain that it was the wreck of a vessel, and he next placed a thirty-five pound package of powder under the wreck and blew it apart, when a portion of the sunken gunboat, which proved to be the front of the turret [casemate], was brought to the surface, hitched on to the schooner and brought to this port, where it was dropped on the railway at Capt. Skinner’s yard and hauled up out of the water.

June 1996 Newsletter (pdf) – Federal Point Historic Preservation Society


[Additional resources]

CSS Raleigh – NCpedia
CSS North Carolina – NCpedia
CSS Wilmington – NCpedia

What’s the story on the Confederate Shipyard on Eagles Island?
Ben Steelman – MyReporter.com

Cassidey’s Shipyard
Bennett L. Steelman –  NCpedia.com

Beery’s Shipyard Marker – photo
The Historical Marker Database

Shipbuilding along the Cape Fear River – FPHPS article

[Editor:  Claude V. (Sandy) Jackson III in his book, ‘The Big Book of the Cape Fear River‘  (p 250-252) details Wilmington’s Beery and Cassidey shipyards work on the CSS North Carolina and the CSS Raleigh.]



Mallison, Fred.
1959 “Blockade Busters That Failed.” The State 27, no. 15 (December 26, 1959): 9-12.

Murray, Paul and Stephen Russel Bartlett, Jr.
1956 “The Letters of Stephen Chaulker Bartlett Aboard U.S.S. Lenapee, January to August 1865.” The North Carolina Historical Review 33, no. 1 (January): 66-92.

Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion (ORN). Series I and II. Washington: Government Printing Office.

Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies in the War of the Rebellion (ORA). Washington: Government Printing Office.

Peek, Charles Smith.
“Letters and Papers of Charles Smith Peek, Acting Third Assistant Engineer”, CSS North Carolina. Typed transcripts in the possession of Dr. Charles Perry, Charleston, South Carolina.

Shomette, Donald G.
1973 “Shipwrecks of the Civil War“. Washington DC: Donic Ltd.

Williams, Isabel M. and Leora H. McEachern.
1978 “River Excursions 1864.” Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc. Bulletin 21, no. 3 (May)

Wilmington Daily Journal (Wilmington, NC.) 1864 (Bill Reaves Historic Newspaper Collection).

Wilmington Dispatch (Wilmington, N.C.) 1919 (Bill Reaves Historic Newspaper Collection).

Wilmington Star (Wilmington, NC.) 1868, 1871, 1881

Bill Reaves Historic Newspaper Collection

Changes to the Federal Point Landscape

[Originally published in the March, 1995 – FPHPS Newsletter]

Erosion at Ft. Fisher

Erosion at Ft. Fisher

Mr. Gehrig Spencer, site manager at the Fort Fisher State Historic Site, presented a program at the February, 1995 meeting of the Federal Point Historic Preservation Society on how the effects of weather and war have reshaped the southern end of Federal Point. Mr. Spencer also discussed how the current implementation of a Seawall is expected to prevent any further deterioration of the fort.

According to Mr. Spencer one of the earliest events having a major impact on the landscape of Federal Point occurred in 1761 when a hurricane opened the passage known as New Inlet between the ocean and the Cape Fear River. Over the years the relatively shallow inlet shifted course slightly to the south.

New Inlet played an important role during the Civil War as an entrance for sleek, fast, blockade runners to slip past the Union fleet and enter the river under the protective guns of Fort Fisher. These ships were able to successfully deliver their valuable cargoes to Wilmington and on to the rest of the Confederacy until late in the war.

It was the events of man that brought about the next major change to the Federal Point landscape. While natural erosion of Federal Point remained relatively stable during the Civil War, the construction of Fort Fisher drastically changed its appearance.

Sea Face - Fort Fisher

Sea Face – Fort Fisher

Under the supervision of Col. William Lamb, Fort Fisher with its massive land and sea faces took shape as the largest earthen fortification on the east coast.

The landscape of Federal Point changed forever as the builders used great quantities of sand and a covering of marsh and cut sod in the construction of the fort. One single mound known as Mound Battery rose sixty feet in height.

Following the war Federal Point again underwent a major transition in appearance when the US. Army Corps of Engineers began a decade-long process of closing New Inlet.

The Rocks 1

“The Rocks” from Zeke’s Island towards Battery Buchanan

The closing of the inlet allowed the currents to naturally deepen the river channel. During the 1870s, the Corps built a stone structure in two sections across the inlet and swash known as the “The Rocks.”

The length of the upper section of the dam extended from Battery Buchanan on Federal Point to Zeke’s Island, a distance of 5,300 feet.

The continuation of the lower section known as the Swash Defense Dam from Zeke’s Island to Smith’s Island, 12,800 feet, made the entire closure just over 3 miles in length.

The Rocks measured from 90 to 120 feet wide at the base. The average depth of the stone wall was 30 feet over three-fourths of its length. The Rocks still separate the Cape Fear River from the ocean.

Serious erosion problems occurred at Federal Point after the state removed coquina rock from the shore just north of the earthworks during the 1920s for use as road construction fill. Since that time approximately 200 yards of sea front has been lost to wave action.

This loss forced the state in the early 1950s to realign the very same highway that had been built with the use of the coquina rock. As a means of preventing any further erosion of what remained of Fort Fisher, the North Carolina Highway Department added concrete and other construction debris along the sea front during 1969 and 1970.

3,200-foot seawall completedat Fort Fisher Museum

3,200-foot seawall completed
at Fort Fisher Museum and Earthworks

The latest effort [1995] in the fight to protect Fort Fisher and Federal Point being claimed by the ocean will be the construction of a 3,200-foot seawall [revetment]. Work on construction of the seawall by a private contractor is expected to begin this spring [1995].

Sand re-nourishment of the beach will not be part of the preservation plan since it might damage or destroy ecologically sensitive areas along the Cape Fear River.

The seawall [revetment] is expected to halt ocean side erosion of Federal Point for the next fifty years.


March 1995 Newsletter (pdf) – Federal Point Historic Preservation Society (FPHPS)

Fort Fisher Revetment Project Nears Completion (March 1996)  (FPHPS)

The Closing of New Inlet (The Rocks) 1870-1881

... and the Swash Defense Dam 1881-1891

By Sandy Jackson

[Originally published in the November, 1995 – FPHPS Newsletter]

The Rocks

The Rocks
Zeke’s Island to Fort Fisher

In 1870 the Corps of Engineers made a postwar survey of the Cape Fear River under Gen. J. H. Simpson.

The results of Simpson’s survey supported closing New Inlet, south of Fort Fisher, prior to any dredging in the river, since sand washed in the inlet would quickly refill the channel.

The River Improvements Act of July 11, 1870, appropriated funds for the Cape Fear improvements. General Simpson and Colonel Craighill of the US. Engineers devised a work at the New Inlet breeches to intercept the sand being washed into the river by the northeasterly gales and to then prevent the spilling of vast volumes of water through the breaches.

The works were intended to close the small inlets contiguous to the main inlet, thus forcing the water into the main channel of the Cape Fear River and scouring the channel to a capacity to admit vessels.

The first step undertaken to close the inlet was the erection of a 500-foot deflector jetty from Federal Point on the northern side of New Inlet, that followed a southwesterly line of shoals.

The Rocks - Zeke's IslandThe work of closing the breaches between Smith [Bald Head Island] and Zeke’s Islands, was under the supervision of Maj. Walter Griswold and consisted of placing large, heavy wooden cribs, filled with stone, across the bottom.

The line of crib works started at the northernmost extremity of Smith Island and extended toward Zeke’s Island. For the greater part of its 1,200 feet length, the works were built upon the remains of a stone dike, constructed by Captain Daniel P. Woodbury in 1853.  At the commencement of the work the water on the bar had diminished to the nominal depth of only 8 feet with a narrow channel.

The Rocks3

The Rocks – up to Battery Buchanan

During the 1870-1871 fiscal year the Corps of Engineers reported that a 607-foot section of the breakwater and superstructure had been completed across the most difficult breach that contained the deepest and strongest current. In addition to the construction of the breakwater, Griswold also began erecting sand fences and planting shrubbery and other vegetation on Zeke’s Island to prevent further erosion.

In 1873 the Corps reported that the closing of the breaches between Zeke’s and Smith’s Islands had been completed. The jetty extended 4,400 feet in length and was protected from the currents by sunken flats and thirty thousand sand bags.

Upon inspection it was found that sand had quickly accumulated, forming shoals around the jetty and further strengthening the structure. As a result of the building sand at the breakwater and sand fences, Zeke’s Island was being thoroughly merged into Smith’s Island beach and returning to its former shape before the 1761 storm that caused it to open.

Federal Point, however, and the outer point of Smith Island beach continued to wear. By 1877 Zeke’s Island had entirely lost its identity.

In 1872 the Corps made a proposal to completely close New Inlet, and a board of engineers met in Wilmington, to consider the idea. After careful review the board recommended closure of the inlet. Congress appropriated an additional one hundred thousand dollars for the continued task.

Building 'The Rocks'

Building ‘The Rocks’

Work began on completely closing New Inlet in 1874 by placing an experimental cribwork along a line of shoals 1,700 feet long to the deep water of the channel. The cribwork consisted of a continuous line, or apron, of wooden mattresses-composed of logs and brushwood, loaded with stone, and sunk—that formed the foundation for a stone dam.

Each section of the mattress was 36 feet wide and 36 feet long and was floated out to its proper position and held in place by anchors. Having proceeded at a cautious pace, the Corps of Engineers halted the construction after two years of difficult work and the construction of only 500 feet for further consideration.

Bill Reaves - Carolina Beach The Oceanic Hotel - Rocks - May 15 1893

Click – to read

While reevaluation of the project was under way, it was decided to use any remaining funds to dredge the channels of the river at Horseshoe shoal, the Bald Head bar, and the “Logs,” a submerged cypress stand 7 miles below Wilmington to a depth of 12 feet.

When work on closing New Inlet continued in 1876 the project proved difficult because of the depth of the water and the amount of stone required to be piled on top of the wooden mattresses. The last mattress raft was sunk in June 1876, and it was estimated that 6,200 cubic yards of riprap stone would be required to be placed on the mattresses just to raise the dam to the low water mark.

The first load of stone was dumped on the dam in January 1877. The work continued year to year by piling small stone rip-rap on and over the foundation. As the dam lengthened, the amount of rip-rap needed increased as the current scoured the mud and sand from around the dam, increasing the depth of water.

The Rocks4By 1879, under direction of Asst. Eng. Henry Bacon, the dam had been built to the high water mark for its entire length of 5,300 feet; and one small middle section that had been left open for navigation was closed. More than 122,000 cubic yards of stone had been placed on the dam, and still more was needed to raise the dam to two feet above the high water.

At the suggestion of Bacon to Chief Engineer Craighill, heavy granite capstones were placed on top of the rock dam. The Corps successfully completed the closure of New Inlet in 1881.


Swash Defense Dam 1881-1891

While the Corps of Engineers was engaged in the closing of New Inlet, a storm in 1877 opened a breach between New Inlet and the closed Smith’s – Zeke’s Islands swash.

In order to prevent the purpose of the dam from being corrupted by the new opening, it was decided to close the breach by artificial means. The first attempt, made by Engineer Bacon in February 1881, proved to be of insufficient strength and collapsed.

The Rocks2

The Rocks
– walking toward Zeke’s Island

A second attempt to build a sturdier structure followed during the spring and summer of 1881. During that effort over “400 heavy piles eight feet apart in two lines nine feet apart” were driven in a line across the breach. Sand quickly accumulated on the ocean side of the defense, reinforcing the structure.

A series of storms in August and September 1881, however, broke through the beach on the north side of the breakwater, flanking the defense and forcing its abandonment. In order to save the work, Bacon recommended that a line of defense be completed that extended from Zeke’s Island over the shoal water to reduce the tidal difference.

The Corps approved Bacon’s recommendations for the extended defense; without them the effectiveness of the New Inlet dam would have been severely compromised and a great deal of money and time expended with little more than a temporary improvement. A row of mattresses, 40 to 60 feet wide, was laid along the line earlier proposed. On top of the mattresses they piled stone, similar to the New Inlet dam, up to the high-water mark.

Storms again plagued the defense project and forced another swash to open just north of the other two and nearer New Inlet Dam.  As a result, Bacon was forced to lengthen and modify the line of mattresses.

Contractors finally delivered the first load of stone to the works in December 1884 from a quarry on nearby Gander Hall plantation. The placement of the stone continued over the next several years, with minor delays caused by the occasional storm. By 1891 the Corps had completed the 12,800-foot Swash Defense Dam to its proper height and width.

From Battery Buchanan out to The Rocks

From Battery Buchanan
down to The Rocks

The length of the upper section of the dam extended Battery Buchanan on Federal Point to Zeke’s Island, a distance of 5,300 feet. The continuation of the Swash defense dam from Zeke’s Island to Smith’s Island, 12,800 feet, made the entire closure just over 3 miles in length.

“The Rocks,” as the entire dam was eventually called, measured from 90 to 120 feet wide at the base, and for three-fourths of the line the average depth of the stone wall was 30 feet from the top of the dam. The Corps of Engineers topped the Rocks with concrete during the 1930s. The Rocks still separate the Cape Fear River from the ocean.





[Editor:  Claude V. (Sandy) Jackson III included this article in a book he later published, ‘The Big Book of the Cape Fear River‘.  

In the ‘The Big Book’, there are 22 pages detailing Historic Navigation and Dredging Projects on the lower Cape Fear including  Snow’s Cut with descriptions, locations and pictures.]



Hartzer, Ronald B.
1984 “To Great and Useful Purpose; A History of the Wilmington District US. Army Corps of Engineers“. Wilmington: Privately printed.

Rayburn, Richard H.
1984 “One of the Finest Rivers in the South: Corps of Engineers Improvements on the Cape Fear Below Wilmington, 1870-1881.” Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc. Bulletin 27, no. 3 (May): 1-6.

1985 “One of the Finest Rivers in the South: Corps of Engineers Improvements on the Cape Fear Below Wilmington, 1881-1919.” Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc. Bulletin 28, no. 2 (February): 1-6.

Sprunt, James.
1896 “Tales and Traditions of the Lower Cape Fear 1661-1896“. Wilmington: Lerin Brothers; Reprint, Spartanburg, S.C.: The Reprint Co., 1973.

US. Army Corps of Engineers
1870 “Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers to the Secretary of War.”  Washington: US. Government Printing Office

Wilmington Star (Wilmington, NC.) 1873, 1876, 1877, 1886

Wilmington Weekly Star (Wilmington, NC.) 1872

[Additional Resources]

‘The Rocks’ Arial View:  Fort Fisher to Zeke’s Island to Bald Head
Google Maps: ‘The Rocks
Images: Zeke’s Island
Zeke’s Island – NC Coastal Reserve and National Estuarine Research Reserve
The Rocks’ 1761 – 1950: from the Bill Reaves Files
‘The Rocks’ in the News

November 1995 Newsletter (pdf) – Federal Point Historic Preservation Society


Shipbuilding along the Cape Fear River

By Sandy Jackson

[Originally published in the September, 1995 – FPHPS Newsletter]

Native Americans - Hollowed Out LogsThe earliest watercraft along the lower Cape Fear River were dugout canoes, or log boats, used by the native population. The dugout canoe was commonly built from a single cypress or pine log, quite common within the coastal swamp forest. Cut from a large section of tree, the canoe was shaped by ax or adze and hollowed to its appropriate thickness by slow-burning embers.

Early colonists to the region in the late seventeenth century used steel tools to adapt the dugout canoe to fit their own needs. By splitting a canoe down the middle and installing boards in the bottom, it could be enlarged. This larger version, about 4 or 5 tons, was known as the periauger and could be fitted with either masts for sails or oars for rowing. The larger of the craft were capable of carrying forty or barrels of pitch and tar. Periaugers were sometimes used by the inhabitants as ferries across rivers or larger creeks.

Types of Sailing Ships Built on the Cape Fear River

Types of Sailing Ships
Built on the Cape Fear River

During the early eighteenth century, settlement of the lower Cape Fear River quickly increased as royal governors granted to various individuals large sections of land along the liver and major tributaries.

On these large sections of land, called plantations, crops or naval stores were often produced and transported by flat, also called a pole boat, to deep-water points, where they were loaded aboard seagoing ships. The flatboat, so named because of its flat bottom and squared sides, was larger than the earlier periaugers and built of boards.

The majority of those transport vessels and small sailing craft were constructed at plantation landings. Often flats were used as ferries across major waterways.

Deep-water sailing craft known as sloops gradually became the watercraft commonly used to transport products between coastal ports. Sloops were as small as 5 tons burthen, or as large as 60 to 70 tons. They had a single mast with a large mainsail and one or more headsails on a bowsprit. The larger sloops were primarily used in long ocean voyages and had one or more square sails in addition to the usual fore-and-afi sails .

Second in popularity and use after the sloop was the brigantine or brig, from 30 to 150 tons. The rig of this craft has varied with time and location. Generally, before 1720, the brigantine has been described as being a two-masted vessel, square-rigged on the foremast, fore-and-aft rigged on the main, but also with a square topsail.

After 1720, the main square topsail was omitted in most brigantines. Other vessel types in use during the late seventeenth and eighteenth century included the ship, schooner, bark, snow, pink, and shallop.

Single-masted sloops were eventually found to be too small to carry the increasing amount of commerce on the Cape Fear River. The need for a larger vessel capable of transporting more cargo led to the development and use in the early eighteenth century of a two-masted, fore-and-aft-rigged craft known as the schooner.

The Schooner allowed distribution of the sail canvas on two masts and made it feasible to build this type of craft in tonnages exceeding those of the sloops. The smaller sail sizes also required fewer crew to operate. The design and operation of the two-masted schooner proved both popular and economically beneficial. The schooner quickly became the most common vessel type until the mid-nineteenth century. Sloops and schooners were constructed at several of the shipyards located along the lower Cape Fear River. Some of the last wooden schooners built during the early twentieth century at Wilmington were four-masted.

In the early decades of the nineteenth century steam-powered vessels began plying the waterways of eastern North Carolina and effectively replacing much of the sail- or oar-powered craft in use. Large, and often dangerous, steam engines and boilers converted, steam into a mechanical motion that turned wooden side or stem paddlewheels. Fueled by either coal or firewood (found plentifully along the river banks), the shallow-drafted steamboats proved to be an efficient means of transporting produce and other farm goods plantation landings to market.

As a result of the improved means of transportation, steamboat companies developed and provided regular scheduled service for passengers and the transportation of freight between coastal ports, plantations, and river towns. Until the early twentieth century steamboats of a wide variety of sizes and designs were the most popular form of transportation on the Cape Fear River. Several shipyards within the Wilmington vicinity specialized in the construction and repair of this type of vessel.

Naval technology developed significantly in response to the Civil War. The success of early vessels of a new type known as ironclads brought about changes in the materials and methods used for the construction of ships. The building of wooden vessels highly susceptible to fire, decay, and destruction by enemy attack during war slowly declined as an increasing number of iron ships were constructed.

During the Civil War at least three ironclads were built in Wilmington. While the upper structure of this class of vessel was covered in iron, the lower portion of the hull below the waterline was wooden. The need for vessels completely encased in iron ended with the conflict, but the method of ship construction established with the ironclads continues to this day.

Beery Shipyard - just North of Memorial Bridge

During World War I, Wilmington was established as a prime shipbuilding location for a new method of building vessels of concrete. In April 1918 the US. Shipping Board selected Wilmington as one of its sites for a government yard. Seven concrete ships were planned to be built at the city. The larger of the vessels, 7,500 tons, would be used as tankers with capacities of 50,000 barrels of oil. The smaller, 3,500-ton, vessels would be cargo ships.

The new type of cargo vessel, or “stone ship,” required approximately 300 tons of concrete and was poured in three sections-bottom, sides and decks. Drying of each section had to occur before the next section could be poured. When all three sections were complete, the vessel had to “set” for a month before launching. Some of the last large wooden ships were also constructed at Wilmington during this period.

Liberty Ships - built in Wilmington

Liberty Ships – built in Wilmington

The greatest boom in shipbuilding on the Cape Fear River occurred during World War II.  Wilmington was again selected as the site for construction of cargo ships needed for the war effort. Two types of cargo vessels were built in Wilmington: Liberty ships and Victory ships.

The Liberty ships were officially designated as the EC-2 (Emergency Cargo) type. The standard Liberty was more than 441 feet in length, with a beam of 56 feet and a draft of 27 feet. Libertys often carried more than their stated capacity of 9,146 tons of cargo with a full load of fuel. The ship had five holds: three forward of the engine spaces and two aft. One hundred twenty-six of these class vessels were produced at the Wilmington shipyard.

1949 - Mothballed Liberty Fleet in Wilmington

1949 – Mothballed Liberty Fleet
along Brunswick River in Wilmington

The second vessel class, the C-2 or Victory ship, was also constructed at the Wilmington yard. It was hoped that this type of vessel could be used as merchant ships following the war. The C-2 ships were 460 feet long, 63 feet in beam, and had a dead-weight tonnage capacity of 8,500 tons. The North Carolina Shipbuilding Company produced 117 vessels of the C-2 type.

There were many variations in the C-2 design that caused considerable delays when compared to the amount of time required to build an EC-2-type vessel. Each variation of the C-2-type ships required different means of propulsion and prevented standardization. The Liberty ship was much easier to produce by comparison.

Mothballed Libertys - Brunswick River


Shipbuilding along the river drastically declined during the last half-century.

When military vessels were not being built in Wilmington, private shipbuilding companies constructed small river craft, yachts, or speedboats on the sites of the abandoned war shipyards.

Presently only fishing boats or small craft for government use are built along the shores of the lower Cape Fear River.


[Editor:  Claude V. (Sandy) Jackson III included this article in a book he later published titled: ‘The Big Book of the Cape Fear River‘.  

Following this article in the ‘The Big Book’, there’s an extensive (42 page) listing of all the Shipyards, Boatyards, Repair Yards and Marine Railways along the lower Cape fear River, along with descriptions, locations and pictures.

All but one of the images included on this page are from ‘The Big Book of the Cape Fear River‘.

Google Maps: Brunswick River in Wilmington, NC


September, 1995 (pdf) – FPHPS Newsletter]

The Confederate Ironclads Raleigh and North Carolina – built in Wilmington

Alford, Michael B.
1990 “Traditional Work Boats of North Carolina“. North Carolina Maritime Museum. Harkch Island, N.C.: Hancock Pub.

Chapelle, Howard I.
1935 “The History of American Sailing Ship“. New York: Bonanza Books.

Johnson, F. Roy.
1977 “Riverboating in Lower Carolina”. Murfreesboro, N.C.: Johnson Publishing Company.

Still, William N., Jr.
n.d. “Shipbuilding in North America: A Case Study in the South’s Maritime Heritage.” Unpublished data base.

Wilmington Dispatch (Wilmington, NC.) 1918, 1919.

Wilmington Star (Wilmington, NC.) 1918, 1919, 1941.

Wilmington News (Wilmington, NC.) 1941.

Happy Birthday to Us! FPHPS Founded: March 28, 1994

Can you believe the Federal Point Historic Preservation Society was TWENTY ONE years old as of March, 2015?  Here are a few highlights from the Society’s early history.

Ballroom Blast, 1994

Ballroom Blast, 1994

The 1990’s

  October 21, 22, 23, 1994: First fundraiser “Ocean Plaza Ballroom Blast” Featuring Chicken Hicks

  June 22, 1994: First Speaker, Catherine Bishir of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Historic Preservation Section

∞  Fall 1994: First Newsletter, editor Sandy Jackson

∞  December 1994 – October 1995: First Preservation Campaign – Protection and preservation of the historic plantation ruins of Sedgeley Abbey

∞  March 1995: Lighthouse logo, created by Martin Pebbles, was adopted

∞  Spring 1995: Agreement with Town of Carolina Beach for the construction of the Beauregard Shipwreck Overlook

∞  April 1995: Bingo fundraiser

∞  April 1995: Ocean Plaza and Joy Lee Apartments nominated to the National Register of Historic Places

∞  July 1995: Fort Fisher Revetment Project, advocacy, support, and ground  breaking

∞  October 20-22, 1995: Second Annual Ocean Plaza Reunion

∞  March, 1996:Received $10,000 grant from North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources for compiling an inventory of known historic sites and cartographic inventory of Federal Point, directed by Sandy Jackson

∞  May 26th, 1996: Hosted a celebration marking the 50th Anniversary of the Ocean Plaza Building. Wilmington Concert Band performed, followed by a fashion show in keeping with the original opening in 1946

∞  August 18, 1996:  Participated in Belk “Preservation Celebration” fundraiser

∞  June 22, 1997:  Oakdale Cemetery guided tour by E. F. “Gene” Risley Jr.

∞  October 18, 1997:  Barbeque fundraiser

∞  November 15, 1997:  Traditional Holiday Decorating Workshop, hosted by Fort Fisher State Historic Site, with demonstrations by staff members of Tryon Palace

∞  February, 1998:  First Cookbook

∞  February, 1999: – Entered into a lease with the  Town of Carolina Beach for Gazebo structure to be converted into the Federal Point History Center

∞  March 1998:Published Monuments & Markers of Federal Point, North Carolina compiled by Sandy Jackson

∞  May, 1998: Fundraiser: Raffle of framed art print of the Federal Point Lighthouse by Kay Robbins

∞  Summer, 1998: Entered into an agreement with MOTSU to maintain, prepare signage and protect the Newton Homesite and Graveyard. Work began with construction of a wooden fence

Newton Homesite and Cemetery

Newton Homesite and Cemetery

∞  February, 1998: – House Plaque Committee was formed and drafted guidelines for plaguing historic buildings

∞  September, 1998: – the first historic plaques were awarded to the Loughlin Cottage, Burnett Beach Cottage, and Ocean Plaza Ballroom, all over 50 years old and of significance to the community

∞  December 5, 1998: “Down East” Barbecue fundraiser

∞  April 1999: Sugar Loaf Battle marker moved from Dow Rd. to Federal Point History Center

∞  May 23, 1999: First fundraising Cruise – Aboard Pirate IV

∞  June 27, 1999: Commemorative Ceremony held celebrating the listing of Newton Homesite and Graveyard in the National Register of Historic Places

∞  October 22, 1999: Ground breaking for renovation of the Gazebo structure to become the Federal Point History Center

∞  View a Slideshow of the May, 2000 Grand Opening of the History Center.

Reenactment Sale

Fort Fisher Museum – Reenactment Sale — Kenny Koch, Darlene Bright, Leslie Bright